The referendum results marks the latest, and most decisive, step on the road that marks the end of the domination of the political class, as it has been known for decades.

The class is being dismissed and David Cameron is just the latest victim.

The political class that has dominated all the main parties has been for the most comprised of professional politicians, adding a managerial approach, supported by institutional experts, and presenting policy in language that has been seen by many voters as little more than an impenetrable code.

The offer was a set of nostrums about how social, economic and international issues should be set. And increasingly, large sections of the public were just not prepared to go along with it.

The signs were there. Falling turnout in elections; falling support for traditional parties; the rise of nationalism and the emergence of UKIP.

Remain’s itch in the referendum was essentially: “stick with us again, and with the line of the political class, and stay with an organisation that is headed by yet another political ‘super class’”.

And the voters have said no. Class dismissed.

It is a seismic moment. Just as the landed class lost control of politics at the end of the 19th century, so now the professional political class is losing control.

The political world now needs to engage in a process of reconnection. How will the parties fare?

First, two of the smaller parties. It’s mixed fortunes here.

There is no problem ahead for the SNP. It comes out intact. It is, in any event, a product of the dismissal of the traditional political class in Scotland.

But for UKIP, this could be a case of the bee that stings, and then expires as a consequence.  Its principal raisin d’être has lapsed.  It is not easy to see where the party fits into a post EU membership world.

Then the big beasts.

For the Conservatives, the Cameron experiment is over. Osborne’s authority is gone too.  The leadership campaign begins today.  A new Tory government in the autumn will have one overriding mission: to accomplish Brexit with minimum harm to the country.  If that is achieved, and if the UK economy comes through all the uncertainty without lasting damage – two big ifs – the party can get through this and even be well positioned for 2020, especially as it may well recover support previously lost to UKIP.

It only goes wrong for the Conservatives if the Brexit process itself goes wrong.

For Labour, the outlook is worse. The party is split three ways, between the bulk of its MPs, its constituency activists, and its core working class white vote. The latter has deserted en masse in the referendum, and for as long as the party remains torn between the liberal instincts of its activists and the nationalistic instincts of what used to be its core vote, the pieces cannot be stitched back together.

We now enter a new political phase. The referendum result is an earthquake that has shaken the foundations that have lain beneath the public policy process of the United Kingdom.

The politicians, and the parties, that make progress from now on will be those that get this, and change accordingly.